Modern historians about Macedonia – J. E. G. Whitehorne

Quote:

Perdiccas II was one of five sons of Alexander I, the king who had first proved the hellenic bona fides of the Argead House to the game marshals at Olympia. Despite a subsequent blot upon his record as a good Greek when he failed to join in immediate pursuit of the defeated Persians as they withdrew through his territories in 479/8 BC

 Quote:

Out of the rich spoils of his victory over them he was able to dedicate solid gold statues of himself at the major Greek shrines of Delphi and Olympia.

Quote:

The inherent value of these splendid monuments (incidentally the earliest know portait statues of a Greek ruler) has ensured they have long since dissapeared, but their dedication was enough to secure Alexander’s hellenic status for all time.

 

“Cleopatras”, by  John Edwin George Whitehorne,page 15

Publisher:Routledge,1994  

Modern historians about Macedonia – Benjamin Ide Wheeler

 

''That the Macedonians were Greek by race there can be no longer any doubt.

They were the northernmost fragments of the race left stranded behind the barriers of Olympus.''

 

 Alexander The Great The Merging Of East And West In Universal History,page 10

by Benjamin Ide Wheeler

Publication date:1900

 

Modern Historians about Macedonia – Francois Chamoux

Quote:

“Such a glorious ancestry was in the eyes of Greeks the hallmark of the Hellenic persona of the king of Macedon, who could, on the other hand, rely on fidelity of the people from which he had sprung. The greek cities did not feel that they were allying with a barbarian, since for generations the Macedonian dynasty had been allowed, as Greeks, to take part in the Olympic games, where they won prizes.“

Hellenistic Civilization” by Francois Chamoux, page 8

 

Quote:

“In Greece proper nevertheless, there remained a number of people like Demosthenes, who had in no way renounce their hatred of Macedon. They did not lack the means to take action: the new king of Persia, Darius III Codomannus, whose reign started in 336, anxious to war off the threat of a Macedonian invasion,liberally distributed among the Greeks funds that were to buy consciences and cover the expenses of war against Alexander.“

“Hellenistic Civilization” by Francois Chamoux,page 9

 

Modern historians about ancient Macedonia - Richard Billows

Macedon was a region which had lagged behind the rest of the Greek world socially, economically, and culturally, failing to develop the polis or city-state institutions characteristic of the most advanced regions of Greece, but remaining instead a tribal society ruled by kings and dominated by a land-owning aristocracy.Indeed,there is some question as to whether Macedon should at this time be counted as part of the Greek world at all, for it has been doubted whether the Macedonians were a Greek-speaking people, on the basis of a few passages in ancient sources that appear to speak of a Macedonian “language”.These passages can equally well be understood to refer to a Macedonian “dialect,” however, and though it cannot at present be formally proved that the Macedonians were Hellenic in race and language, I think it highly likely that they were, for three reasons: the overwhelming majority of personal names known to have been used by Macedonians were good Greek names; the names of the months in the Macedonian calendar were basically Greek in form; and the religion of the Macedonians was largely the same as that of the Greeks, with Zeus, Herakles, and Dionysos being particularly prominent.

The Macedonians, then, were probably a Greek people (though certainly with an admixture of Illyrians and Thracians) akin in language and culture to their neighbors to the south and west, the Thessalians and Epeirots.Like the Epeirots, they were divided into several tribes and ruled over by a tribal monarchy. The main division in Macedon was between the lowland Macedonians, living in the plains of Pieria, Bottiaia, and the Amphaxitis, and the highland Macedonians, who were themselves divided into a number of “cantons”: from south to north, Tymphaia, Elimiotis, Orestis, Eordaia, Lynkos, and Pelagonia .The kings came from a royal family known as the Argeadai, who claimed descent from Herakles, but the Argead house was rooted in lower Macedon and the cantons of upper Macedon had dynastic families of their own who frequently claimed to rule as independent kings over their own regions.Like the Thessalians, the Macedonians never developed beyond the aristocratic form of society typical of early Greece and probably depicted in Homer’s epics.

The Homeric appearance of certain elements of Macedonian society has been widely noted; the chief of these elements is the so-called hetaireia, an institution which bound together the king and the nobility: it was the privilege and duty of the nobles to attend the king as his hetairoi (companions) both in war and peace, as cavalry fighters and officers, or as councillors and boon companions.That this institution was deeply rooted in Macedon is shown by the existence of a religious festival named the Hetairidia, and it is clear that the hetairoi formed a noble class of major importance in the state.Although as chief priest, chief judge, commander in chief, and political leader, the king embodied the state, he was constrained in practice to function in consultation with his hetairoi.

 

 Thus the chief organ of state policy was the synedrion or council of the king and his friends, in which the king took the lead and made the decisions, but would find it hard to decide against a consensus of his nobles.In particular, actions against the lives of leading members of the hetairos class could normally be risked by a king only with strong backing from his friends, and at times the king might prefer to hand over the decision on a capital charge against a great noble to the synedrion of his friends.The basis of the social and economic standing of the hetairos class was clearly landed wealth: Theopompos tells us that the 800 hetairoi of Philip II, for example, owned as much land as the 10,000 wealthiest men of the rest of Greece put together (FGrH, no. 115 F 225b). Being proprietors of great estates gave them an inherited status within their regions, and hence in the kingdom as a whole. In particular,like the Thessalian nobility, the Macedonian hetairoi raised horses on their estates, and provided the cavalry forces of the Macedonian state, riding in to support the king in time of war, each noble with a mounted following of his own.

Since Macedon before the time of Philip II had no significant infantry force, but relied almost exclusively on cavalry for its defense, their domination of the cavalry gave the Macedonian nobility great political influence.This was especially true when a weak king was on the throne, when factions of nobles often coalesced around other members of the royal house claiming the throne and reduced the state to near anarchy.

 

“Antigonus the One-Eyed” By Richard Billows,pages 18-20

Modern Historians about Macedonia – Carl J. Richard

 

1. Homer: Founder of Western Literature

2. Thales: Founder of Western Science

3. Themistocles: Defender of Greek civilization

4. Pericles: Democratic Reformer

5. Plato: Founder of Western Philosophy

6.Alexander the Great:Disseminator of Greek culture

“Twelve Greeks and Romans Who Changed the World” By Carl J. Richard 

Modern historians about Macedonia – George Cawkwell

 

Quote:

“The Macedonians were Greeks. Their language was Greek, to judge by their personal names and by the names of the months of the calendar; Macedonian ambassadors could appear before the Athenian assembly without needing interpreters; in all Demosthenes sneers about their civilization there is no hint that Macedonians spoke other than Greek. But it was a distinct dialect not readily intelligible to other Greeks; linguistically as geographically, Macedonia was remote from the main stream of Greek life. 

King Alexander “the Philhellene” had been allowed to compete in the Olympic Games only after his claim to being Greek had been fortified by the claim that the Macedonian ruling house had originated in Argos in the Peloponnese, which really conceded that those who sneered at Macedonia as “barbarian”  were right. The sneers went on.

The sophist Thrasymachus at the end of the fifth century referred even to king Archelaus as a “barbarian.” Isocrates in the fourth no less than Demosthenes spoke of the Macedonians as “barbarians.” The truth was that Macedon was as culturally backward as it was liguistically remote, and even the exact Thucydides classed it as “barbarian.”

 

Archelaus began to change all this and to make clear the Greeknes of his country. It wasunder him that the city of Pella began to be not only the ‘greatest city in Macedonia but also a show-place which Greeks desired to visit, a centre of Greek culture. Archelaus was a generous patron of the arts,and the leading literary figures of the age were happy to reside at his court. Euripides spent his last years in Macedon, and wrote there the Bacchae and the Archelaus. At Dium in the foothills of Mount Olympus a Macedonian Olympic Festival was instituted which included a drama competition. There must have been as appreciateive audience.Under Archelaus, Macedon had ceased to be a cultural backwater.”

George Cawkwell’s (Fellow of the University College,Oxford)

Philip of Macedon, Faber & Faber, London, 1978, pg. 22-23

Modern Historians about Macedonia – Hermann Bengtson

 

 In the cultural gulf between Greeks and Macedonians the question of Macedonian national origin was never more than of secondary importance in antiquity. For modern scholars the evidence from names – there is not a single sentence extant from the language of the Old Macedonians – tilts the scales in favour of the view that includes the Macedonians among the Greeks. The theory, therefore, advocated by the student of Indo-European linguistics, P.Kretschner,that the Macedonians were of Graeco-Illyrian hybrid stock, is not to be regarded as very probable. So the majority of modern historians, admittedly with the noteworthy exception of Julius Kaerst , have argued  correctly for the Hellenic origin of the Macedonians. They should be included in the group of the North-West Greek tribes .

Griechische Geschichte-Hermann Bengtson 

 

This does not, however, discount the statement of Thucydides (II 99) that the Macedonians were related to the Epirotes from possibly having an element of truth. From the point of view of history it is more important that a century of isolation in the country which bears their name moulded the Macedonians into a distinctive social, political and anthropological unit, developing their essential features from within, and without domination by Hellenic influence. Thus the character of the Macedonian people had long since been moulded when, in the great power struggle between Athens and Philip, the hate-filled orations of Demosthenes repeatedly emphasised the divisive features between Greeks and Macedonians.”

 

Chapter 10, Philip of Macedonia, pgs. 185-186

Hermann Bengtson, ‘History of Greece’

Translated and updated by Edmund F. Bloedow,University of Ottawa Press,1988

 

 

 

 

 

Modern Linguists about Macedonia – Olivier Masson

 

 

For a long while Macedonian onomastics, which we know relatively well thanks to history, literary authors, and epigraphy, has played a considerable role in the discussion. In our view the Greek character of most names is obvious and it is difficult to think of a Hellenization due to wholesale borrowing. ‘Ptolemaios’ is attested as early as Homer, ‘Αλέξανδρος’ occurs next to Mycenaean feminine a-re-ka-sa-da-ra- (‘Alexandra’), ‘Λάαγος’, then ‘Λαγος’, matches the Cyprian ‘Lawagos’, etc. The small minority of names which do not look Greek, like ‘Αρριδαιος’ or ‘Σαββατάρας’, may be due to a substratum or adstatum influences (as elsewhere in Greece). Macedonian may then be seen as a Greek dialect, characterised by its marginal position and by local pronunciations (like ‘Βερενίκα’ for ‘Φερενίκα’, etc.).

 

 Yet in contrast with earlier views which made of it an Aeolic dialect (O.Hoffmann compared Thessalian) we must by now think of a link with North-West Greek (Locrian, Aetolian, Phocidian, Epirote). This view is supported by the recent discovery at Pella of a curse tablet (4th cent. BC) which may well be the first ‘Macedonian’ text attested (provisional publication by E.Voutyras; cf. the Bulletin Epigraphique in Rev.Et.Grec.1994, no.413); the text includes an adverb ‘οπποκα’ which is not Thessalian. We must wait for new discoveries, but we may tentatively conclude that Macedonian is a dialect related to North-West Greek.

 

Olivier Masson,French linguist,“Oxford Classical Dictionary:Macedonian Language” page.906, 1996

Modern historians about Macedonia – Richard Stoneman

 

Quote:

The world he [Alexander] left behind him, split as it quickly was between several successor-kings, retained the Greek language as its medium of communication and Greek culture as its frame of reference.

“Alexander the Great” By Richard Stoneman,page 1

 

Quote:

When, as a young, ambitious and romantic youth with a genius for military strategy and tactics, he embarked on the conquest of the Persian empire, he may have had no more in mid than the setting to rights of the perceived age-old wrong inflicted by the Persians on the Greeks.

“Alexander the Great” By Richard Stoneman, page 2

 

Quote

In favour of the Greek identity of the Macedonians is what we know of their language: the place-names, names of the months and many of the personal names, especially royal names, which are Greek in roots and form.This suggests that they did not merely use Greek as a lingua franca, but spoke it as natives (though with a local accent which turned Philip into Bilip, for example).

The Macedonians’ own traditions derived their royal house from one Argeas, son of Macedon, son of Zeus, and asserted that a new dynasty, the Temenids, had its origin in the sixth century from emigrants from Argos in Greece, the first of these kings being Perdiccas. This tradition became a most important part of the cultural identity of Macedon.

It enabled Alexander I (d.452) to compete at the Olympic Games (which only true Hellenes were allowed to do); and it was embedded in the policy of Archelaus (d.399) who invited Euripides from Athens to his court, where Euripides wrote not only the Bacchae but also a lost play called Archelaus. (Socrates was also invited, but declined.)

 

“Alexander the Great” By Richard Stoneman, page 14

 

 

 

Modern historians about Macedonia – Mary Elsie Thalheimer

 

✍️ Quote:

In 334 B.C. Alexander with his 35.000 Greeks crossed the strait which had been passed by Xerxes, with his five millions, less than 150 years before. The Greek army was scarcely more inferior to the Persian in number than superior in efficiency. It was composed of veteran troops in the highest possible state of equipment and discipline, and every man was filled with enthusiastic devotion to his leader and confidence of success.

“A manual of ancient history” By M. E. Thalheimer, page 99

 

✍️ Quote:

With fresh reinforcements from Greece, he [Alexander] commenced his second campaign, in the spring of 333, by marching through Cappadocia and Cilicia to the gates of Syria.

“A manual of ancient history” By M. E. Thalheimer, page 100

 

✍️ Quote:

 

Alexander was compelled to turn back. His fleet was now ready, and he descended the Hydaspes to the Indus, in the autumn and winter of 327 B. C. His army marched in two columns along the banks, the entire valley submitting with little resistance. Two more cities were founded, and left with Greek garrisons and governors.

“A manual of ancient history” By M. E. Thalheimer, page 205

 

✍️ Quote:

 

The Greek language and literature were planted every-where: every new exploration added to the treasures of science and the enlightenment of the human race.

“A manual of ancient history” By M. E. Thalheimer, page 206 

📖 A manual of ancient history

by Thalheimer,M.E.

Modern Historians about Macedonia:Ernst Curtius

 

✍️ Quote:

Amyntas belonged to a collateral branch of the Temenidæ of Argos. During the disturbances which interrupted the legitimate succession of the Argive kings (vol. i. p. 271), about the middle of the ninth century B. C., Caranus had come into Macedonia and had obtained royal power among the mountain tribes; and this royal power became hereditary in his house. 

Their power was not that of despotic princes, but one regulated from the first by laws and mutual agreement. The whole history of the empire connects itself with the dynasty of the Temenidæ, and commences with Perdiccas, who pushed his conquering march forward from the mountain fastness of Ægæ into lower Macedonia, the ancient Emathia, by the conquest of which the Macedonian Temenidæ established their imperial power.

📖 The History of Greece Vol. 2

Book by Ernst Curtius, Adolphus William Ward; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1871, page 188

✍️ Quote:

In the house of Amyntas Greek culture reigned and his son Alexander had adopted it with his whole heart and soul. Alexander was a thorough Greek, and recognized the future of Macedonia as depending on her intimate connection with the Hellenic states.

✍️ Quote:

The whole Alpine country of Northern Greece was now under vassals of the Achæmenidæ; and as formerly the Dorians had advanced from Macedonia to the south, so the Barbarians now wished at the opportune moment to penetrate into the lower country, in order to surround the sea on the west side also with their power.

📖 The History of Greece Vol. 2

Book by Ernst Curtius, Adolphus William Ward; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1871, page 189

✍️ Quote:

On the present occasion Mount Athos protected the western Greeks.

📖 The History of Greece Vol. 2

Book by Ernst Curtius, Adolphus William Ward; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1871, page 216

Ἀλέξανδρος Φιλίππου καί οἱ Ἕλληνες

 

✍️ ἀποπέμπει δέ καί εἰς Ἀθήνας τριακοσίας πανοπλίας Περσικάς ἀνάθημα εἶναι τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ ἐν πόλει· καί ἐπίγραμμα ἐπιγραφῆναι ἐκέλευσε τόδε·

 

Ἀλέξανδρος Φιλίππου καί οἱ Ἕλληνες πλήν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπό τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν τήν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων.

 

✍️Απέστειλε επίσης στην Αθήνα τριακόσιες περσικές πανοπλίες ως αφιέρωμα στην Αθηνά στην Ακρόπολη. Διέταξε να αναγραφεί η εξής επιγραφή:

 

«Ο Αλέξανδρος, ο γιος του Φιλίππου, και οι Έλληνες, εκτός από τους Λακεδαιμονίους, αφιερώνουν αυτές τις πανοπλίες, οι οποίες προέρχονται από τα λάφυρα των βαρβάρων που κατοικούν στην Ασία».

 

✍️He sent to Athens three hundred Persian panoplies to be set up to Athena in the acropolis; he ordered this inscription to be attached:

 

‘Alexander son of Philip and the Greeks, except the Lacedaemonians, set up these spoils from the barbarians dwelling in Asia’.

📖 Ἀλεξάνδρου Ἀνάβασις,1.16.7,Κέντρο Ελληνικής Γλώσσας

📖  Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander,Loeb Classical Library | Harvard University Press

Ancient writers about Macedonia – Arrian

 

                Arrian - The Campaigns of Alexander     

Penguin Classics,Translated by Aubrey De Selincourt

    [1] At Athens too there was a certain amount of trouble; but resistance collapsed the moment Alexander approached and he was granted even greater honours than his father Philip before him.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 42

 

   [2] They then presented themselves in the Assembly and incited the Thebans to rebel against Alexander, making great play with the grand old words “liberty” and “autonomy“, and urging the at long last to throw off the burden of the Macedonian yoke.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 55

 

    [3] Alexander, however, made no move, but continued to wait; for he still hoped to remain in terms with Thebans and to avoid action against them. In these circumstances all who had their city’s interest most at heart were anxious to approach Alexander and gain from him a general pardon for the revolt; but the exiles and the party responsible for their recall, especially as some of them were officers of the Boeotian Confederacy, refused to recognize the possibility of humane treatment by Alexander and urged war by every means in their power. But still Alexander waited and did not attack.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 56

 

    [4] In what followed it was not so much the Macedonians as the Phocians, Plateans, and men from other Boeotian towns who, in the lust of battle, indiscriminately slaughtered the Thebans who no longer put up andy organised resistance. They burst into houses and killed the occupants;

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 59

 

    [5] With Thebes on the contrary it was a different matter: the lack of planning, the rapid movement of events which led to the revolt, the suddenness and ease with which the city fell, the slaughter, so appalling and so inevitable where men of kindred stock are paying off old scores,

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 61

 

     [6] The allies troops who took part in the fighting were entrusted by Alexander with the final settlement of the fate of Thebes. They decided to garrison the Cadmeia but to raze the city to the ground .

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 61

 

  [7]At Troy his sailing-master, Menoetius, crowned him with gold, as did  Chares the Athenian, who came from Sigeium with a number of others, either Greeks or natives. One account says that Hephaestion laid a wreath on the tomb of Patroclus; another that Alexander laid one on the tomb of Achilles, calling him a lucky man, in that he had Homer to proclaim his deeds and preserve his memory.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 67

 

    [8] As an offering to the goddess Athena, he sent to Athens 300 full suits of Persian armour with the following inscription : Alexander, son of Philip, and the Greeks (except the Lacedaemonians) dedicated these spoils, taken from the Persians who dwell in Asia.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 76

 

    [9]  To the people of Zeleia he gave a free pardon, because he knew that they had fought with the Persians only under Pressure.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 76

 

    [10] It occured to him to build here a temple and altar in honour of Olympius Zeus, and while he was considering the best site a summer storm, breaking suddenly with violent thunder and a fall of rain over the palace of the Lydian Kings, persuaded that Zeus himself had indicated the spot where his temple should be raised;

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 77

 

    [11] Calas and Alexander, son of Aeropus, were sent to Memnon’s part of the country with the Peloponnesians and most of the allied troops,

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 77

 

    [12] The mercenaries who formed the garrison of the town seized two warships and made their escape, accompanied by Amyntas, son of Antiochus, who had left Macedonia in order to avoid Alexander. He had not, to be sure, anything to complain of in Alexander’s treatment; he merely disliked him and was disinclined to be made uncomfortable by his presence.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 78

 

    [13] All dues previously paid to Persia he transferred to the temple of Artemis.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander book 1, page 78

 

    [14] Throughout the country he dispossessed the ruling cliques and established popular government in their place, allowing every community to enjoy its own laws and customs and discontinue payment of the taxes it had previously paid to the Persians. Meanwhile he rremained in Ephesus, offered sacrifice to Artemis and held a ceremonial parade of his troops, full equipped and in battle order.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 79

 

    [15] For Alexander felf that, with the war against Persia still on his hands it would be dangerous to relax his severity towards anyone of Greek nationality who had considented to fight for Asia against his own country.

 

Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander Book 1, page 100

 

     [16] Then they sent a demand to the islanders for the abrogation of their agreements with Alexander and the Greeks, and the observance of the terms of the Peace of Antalkidas, which they had concluded with Persia.

    the people of Tenedos would have liked nothing better than to remain on good terms with Alexander and the Greeks;

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 103

 

    [17] To celebrate this success Alexander offered sacrifice to Asclepius and held a ceremonial parade of all his troops..

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 109

 

    [18] With the infantry and the Royal Squadron of horse he then went to Magarsus, whence after offerring sacrifice to the local Athene, he proceeded to Mallus, where he performed all proper ceremonies in honour of the demi-god Amphilochus. In this latter place he found political troubles in progress, and settled them, remitting the tribute which the town paid to Darius on the ground that Mallus was a colony of Argos and he himself claimed to be descended from the Argive Heracleide

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 109

 

    [19]Amyntas, son of Antiochus, a deserter from Alexander’s army urged him [Darius] not to move from such favourable ground, for plenty of space was precisely what the Persian army most needed, its numbers and equipment being what they were. Darius took Amyntas’ advice

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 110

 

    [20] There are Greek troops, to be sure, in Persian service –but how different is theirs cause from ours ! They will be fighting for pay— and not much of it at that; we on the contrary shall fight for  Greece, and our hearts will be in it.  As for our FOREIGN troops —Thracians, Paeonians, Illyrians,  Agrianes — they are the best and stouder soldiers of Europe, and they  will find as their opponents the slackest and softest of the tribes of  Asia.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 112

 

    [21]Hephaestion stepped back, and one of the Queen’s attendant’s rectified her mistake by pointing to Alexander; the Queen withdrew in profound embarassment, but Alexander merely remarked that her error was of no account, for Hephaestion too, was an Alexander – a “protector of men”

 

Arrian “the Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 123

 

    [22]Iphicrates, from affection for Athens and the memory of his father’s faith, he retained in his personal suite, treating him with ever mark of honour, and when he fell ill and died sent his bones to his relatives in Athens.

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 129

 

    [23]The Egyptians also worship a Heracles, but not the Heracles of Tyre or Greece; according to Herodotus he is regarded by the Egyptians as one of the twelve gods.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 2, page 130

 

    [24]he [Alexander] himself designed the general layout of the new town, indicating the position of the market square, the number of temples to be built, and what gods they should serve – the gods of Greece and the Egyptian Isis – and the precise limits of its outer defences. He offered sacrifice for a blessing on the work; and the sacrifice proved favourable.

 

 

 Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 149

 

 

    [25]Meanwhile Hegelochus arrived in Egypt by sea with the news that Tenedos, which had been forcibly annexed by Persia, had now revolted and come over to Macedon. Chios, too in spite of the puppet government introduced by Autophradates and Pharnabazus, had invited the Macedonian in; [..]Amphoterus had been dispatched with sixty ships to Cos, at the invitation of its people.

    Alexander longed to equal the fame of Perseus and Heracles; the blood of both flowed in his veins

 

 

 Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 151

 

    [26]At Memphis he was visited by a number of deputations from Greece and not a man of them did he send away without a favourable answer to his requests.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 151

 

    [27]The governnorship of the neighbouring country of Libya was given to Apollonius, son of Charinus and of Arabia by Heroopolis to Cleomenes of Naucratis

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 154-155

 

    [28]At Tyre he found the fleet awaiting him, and here, once again, he did honour to Heracles by religious celebrations and games.

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 155

 

    [29]and his brother Laomedon who happened to be as fluent in the Persian language as in Greek, was put in charge of prisoners of war

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 157

 

    [30]for there fell into Alexander’s hands all the treasures which Xerxes had brought there from Greece, among them bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These statues Alexander sent back to Athens, where they now stand in Cerameicus

 

Arrian “The campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 174

 

    [31]Alexander’s answer was that he wished to punich the Persians for their invasion of Greece; his present act was retribution for the destrucion of Athens, the burning of the temples, and all the other crimes hey had commited against the Greeks.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 179

 

    [32]The Greek delegates asked for terms for all Greek mercenaries now prisoners of war; this, however Alexander caterigorically refused: Greek soldiers, he maintained, who fought for Persia against their own country were little better than criminals and had acted contrary to the resolution of the Greeks.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 187

 

    [33] There Alexander sacrificed to Apollo- and arrested one of his personal guards named Demetrius on suspicion of complicity with Philotas’s plot.

 

Arrian “The Campaigns of Alexander”, book 3, page 189